Doug Ford’s re-election is a serious threat to workers, tenants, students, and all those struggling under Ontario’s deepening economic crisis. While Ford positioned himself as the “protector of Ontario” in the face of Trump’s tariff threats, his real record of corruption and privatization was obscured. This allowed him to secure another majority government with only 19.5% of eligible voters’ support—less than one in five Ontarians. Voter turnout remained at historic lows, reflecting growing disillusionment and hopelessness among working people. Ford will undoubtedly use this mandate to escalate privatization and attack workers’ rights. The time to organize and resist is now.
Ford’s campaign rhetoric was about “protecting Ontario,” but his policies are about selling it off. His government will continue handing over public services to corporate monopolies—whether it’s critical minerals to U.S. companies under “Fortress Am-Can,” expanding alcohol sales to retail giants like Loblaws and Circle K, or privatizing healthcare through Shoppers Drug Mart and private clinics. If history is any guide, Ford will waste no time moving aggressively to impose further cuts and privatization, just as he did in 2018 and 2022, immediately after securing majorities.
The opposition parties at Queen’s Park failed to present a compelling alternative for working people. On the central issue of the election—the looming U.S. tariffs—neither the Liberals nor the NDP offered a fundamentally different position from Ford. Instead of calling for an exit from corporate-dominated free trade agreements and public ownership of key industries like steel and auto to protect jobs, they doubled down on the free trade framework that has eroded Canada’s economic sovereignty for decades. Their limited criticism of Ford’s response to tariffs focused on whether he truly needed a new mandate or whether his trip to Washington was appropriate—not on the deeper issue of Ontario’s economic dependence on U.S. monopolies. Even much of the labour movement failed to provide a clear critique of Ford’s “Protect Ontario” campaign, leaving working people, rightfully concerned about job losses, with no alternative response beyond corporate appeasement.
The Ontario NDP’s vote share and seat count declined again. Their campaign lacked a clear message, let alone consistent advocacy for policies that would benefit the working class. Instead of challenging corporate power, they proposed half-measures like a grocery rebate—essentially a public subsidy for corporate price gouging that would only fatten grocery monopolies’ profits while prices continued to rise. On the ground, many voters expressed frustration over the party’s disgraceful expulsion of Sarah Jama for calling for a ceasefire in Gaza before the NDP deemed it politically convenient. This alienated many progressive voters, contributing to further disillusionment and disengagement. In the end, the only seat the NDP gained was Jama’s in Hamilton Centre.
The Liberals, on the other hand, managed to grow their vote share with a focus on primary care physicians but failed to challenge Ford’s broader privatization agenda. Their platform ignored the need to reverse corporate profiteering in healthcare, reinforcing their role as a party that ultimately serves corporate interests. The Green Party’s increased focus on economic inequality failed to translate into broader electoral gains beyond the two ridings they already held.
With no real alternative being offered, many working-class voters simply stayed home. One of the most decisive factors in Ford’s victory was the absence of independent political action from the labour movement, which failed to push the NDP or other opposition parties toward stronger working-class policies. Without a class-struggle orientaiton, parts of the labour leadership took a narrow, transactional, business-unionist approach, with some unions even endorsing Ford in a short-sighted bid to secure temporary gains for their members at the expense of broader working-class solidarity. Many of the unions that endorsed Ford were so-called “international” unions headquartered in the U.S., often in the building trades, which have historically prioritized business-friendly deals over broader class struggle. Without escalating independent labour political action, we will continue to see divisions within the labour movement—some more progressive unions outsourcing their politics to the NDP, while others cut deals with Liberals or Conservatives to secure narrow sectoral advantages. The only way forward is unity in struggle, with labour taking the lead in its own name and on its own terms.
Despite a media blackout, anti-Communism, and a first-past-the-post system designed to lock out real alternatives, the Communist Party of Ontario ran a strong campaign. With seven candidates, nearly 40,000 leaflets distributed, and tens of thousands of workers reached through debates and canvassing, we made a real impact. Our vote count was the highest since 1987, and our per-candidate vote ratio increased significantly from the last election, even as overall voter turnout stagnated. Our first-ever campaign in Windsor-Tecumseh received 606 votes—nearly 1.4% of the total—placing us on the heels of the Green Party candidate. Our campaigns fought hard to be seen and heard, and we succeeded. The Communist Party’s long standing solidarity with Palestine, as well as our active role in local strikes and struggles between elections, has helped push back anti-Communism and deepen our roots. These extra-parliamentary struggles are what will continue to drive our growth.
While the mainstream parties focused on superficial tweaks to a system designed to exploit the vast majority, we advanced a People’s Alternative: rent rollbacks and real tenant protections, a $25 minimum wage, expanded public healthcare, free education, public ownership of key industries, and an end to corporate profiteering. Our campaign strengthened the movement for socialism in Ontario, and we are already preparing for the federal election, which is likely only weeks away.
Ford’s re-election comes at a moment of deep crisis. The return of Donald Trump, the escalation of global war, and the deepening push for austerity by Bay Street all signal that working-class and democratic movements must urgently prepare for major struggles ahead. Ford’s government will gladly implement corporate-driven cuts, attacks on unions, and expanded privatization.
Some may look at this election as a continuation of the last seven years, but in reality, we are at a far more dangerous juncture. Labour and its community allies cannot afford to wait. We need immediate organization and mobilization, including local anti-cuts committees and an escalation toward province-wide Days of Action. The fightback must begin now—on the streets, in workplaces, and in communities. This is not the time for despair; it is the time to organize.
The Communist Party will continue to fight for a People’s Alternative and build the movement for socialism. Join us in the struggle—because only a mass, working-class movement can defeat the corporate agenda and put power where it belongs: in the hands of working people.
